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The County Line - May/June 1999
“Tough
on Crime” Legislation Worthwhile, but Costly for Counties
Few things ring the political bell as consistently and with
such productivity as a candidate proclaiming that he or
she is "tough on crime." I'll concede that calls for "education
reform" and pledges to "take care of our senior citizens"
rank a close second and third on the greatest political
promise list, but the anti-crime refrain is clearly and
unquestionably the king of the political hill. In my political
memory, this rally cry began in earnest in the late 1970s.
It was during a runoff for the office of attorney general
that a little known candidate from Mobile promised -- in
graphic terms -- that those convicted of the death penalty
would be given their time in the state's electric chair.
The tactic worked. He served two terms as attorney general
and darn near became governor eight years later.
Since then I dare say that no candidate for statewide office
-- either successful or unsuccessful -- has made a loop
on the political merry-go-round without dropping a few pledges
to do something about crime. Even those candidates who are
seeking offices that have nothing to do with the criminal
justice system usually drop a few crime-stopper promises
for good measure. A little insurance, they are probably
thinking, can't hurt these days.
And such is the case in the legislative process, as well.
During the 1999 regular session and in several sessions
before this one, dozens of get-tough crime measures have
been dropped into the legislative basket. Although each
piece of legislation takes a different angle on this issue,
they all have one thing in common with the "get-tough-on-crime"
campaign pledges -- they remain silent on the massive public
cost of getting tough on crime.
And seldom does anybody call this to the public's attention
-- either on the campaign trail or afterwards.
One might guess that we in Alabama simply don't realize
that there is a substantial cost to increasing the penalty
for a crime, or to creating new punishments for old crimes,
or to denying work release for certain convicts or to denying
bail to persons accused of certain crimes. All of these
ideas -- one might argue -- are worthwhile efforts at curbing
crime in our darkening society; however, these measures
all have substantial price tags, even if we don't want to
think about the price tags right now.
The operation of the county jail is without question the
largest line in the county general fund budget. And that
cost is increasing daily. In fact, the cost has probably
gone up in the time it has taken you to read this column.
But there is consistent and effective opposition to any
increase in revenue to operate the county jail.
So counties are left with little help as they defend federal
lawsuits over jail conditions; face contempt of court orders
because of inaction on directives to build new jails; and,
for those few who construct new jails, endure public outcry
against any tax increases to fund the growing cost of getting
tough on crime. And, the problem gets worse every year as
more get-tough legislation becomes law, thereby escalating
the cost of keeping the prisoners behind bars.
The cost is not confined to the county level, either. The
State Department of Corrections faces its own set of difficulties.
Right now a new prison in Bibb County sits half empty because
the department does not have the money to hire staff to
utilize the entire facility.
And while those prison beds are empty, the pressure for
the department to let its prisoners "back up" in county
jails mounts. The pressure has become so severe on two separate
occasions in the last decade that counties have been forced
to sue the state over its refusal to promptly shift prisoners
to state custody.
Now, I'm not trying to advocate a soft position on crime.
It just seems that logic dictates we take a more comprehensive
view of this plague.
About three years ago the Association began an effort to
amend EVERY new crime bill introduced in the Alabama Legislature
to include a provision that the county be reimbursed at
least a portion of the cost of housing these new prisoners
in the county jail. In the last three years literally dozens
of amendments requiring reimbursement have been drafted
by the Association, but at this point we have not been successful
in having a single amendment make it through the process
and become law.
At the time of this writing, there is one crime bill hanging
on the edge of becoming law that contains our reimbursement
language. If you are now assuming that somewhere in this
piece you will read particulars about the bill that contains
the amendment, you can stop reading with this sentence.
Cause there is no way I 'm going to jinx our effort by telling
you anything else.
Those of us who represent the interests of county government
here in Montgomery are holding out some hope that if we
can finally see the reimbursement language become law, then
next year it will be a lot easier to put this language into
the other crime bills.
Two years ago the Association joined forces with the Department
of Corrections in pushing a bill that would have established
a procedure for collecting a portion of the cost of incarceration
from persons housed in municipal and county jails and in
the state prison system. The bill even passed both the House
and Senate last year before opponents bottled up the measure
until the session concluded. That bill was not even re-introduced
this session.
But even though most of the news is grim, we must admit
that there is some growing support for facing up to the
cost of anti-crime legislation. Earlier this session the
chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, Rep. Bill Fuller
of Lafayette, volunteered to sponsor a stand-alone bill
that would require convicted criminals to pay one-third
of the cost the county incurred while the person was in
the county jail awaiting trial. His pledge to sponsor this
legislation was made, without prompting, during a public
meeting of the committee.
Several members of the committee echoed his remarks and
vowed support for correcting the problem at the county level.
The House Local Government Committee then passed the bill
without any opposition.
For a number of reasons, however, the bill is not likely
to become law this session. But you can be sure that the
bill will be back. Just as you can be sure that the flood
of anti-crime bills will be back, as well.
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